Examining the evidence for an independent semantic analyzer: An ERP study in Spanish

被引:37
作者
Stroud, Clare [1 ]
Phillips, Colin [1 ,2 ]
机构
[1] Univ Maryland, Dept Linguist, College Pk, MD 20742 USA
[2] Univ Maryland, Neurosci & Cognit Sci Program, College Pk, MD 20742 USA
基金
美国国家科学基金会;
关键词
ERPs; Syntax; Semantics; Thematic roles; Spanish; Animacy; Incremental parsing; BRAIN POTENTIALS; SENTENCE COMPREHENSION; THEMATIC RELATIONSHIPS; LANGUAGE PERCEPTION; GRAMMATICAL GENDER; INFORMATION; INTEGRATION; AGREEMENT; WORDS; REFLECT;
D O I
10.1016/j.bandl.2011.02.001
中图分类号
R36 [病理学]; R76 [耳鼻咽喉科学];
学科分类号
100104 ; 100213 ;
摘要
Recent ERP findings challenge the widespread assumption that syntactic and semantic processes are tightly coupled. Syntactically well-formed sentences that are semantically anomalous due to thematic mismatches elicit a P600, the component standardly associated with syntactic anomaly. This 'thematic P600' effect has been attributed to detection of semantically plausible thematic relations that conflict with the surface syntactic structure of the sentence, implying a processing architecture with an independent semantic analyzer. A key finding is that the P600 is selectively sensitive to the presence of plausible verb-argument relations, and that otherwise an N400 is elicited (The hearty meal was devouring ... vs. The dusty tabletop was devouring ... : Kim & Osterhout, 2005). The current study investigates in Spanish whether the evidence for an independent semantic analyzer is better explained by a standard architecture that rapidly integrates multiple sources of lexical, syntactic, and semantic information. The study manipulated the presence of plausible thematic relations, and varied the choice of auxiliary between passive-biased fue and active-progressive biased estaba. Results show a late positivity that appeared as soon as comprehenders detected an improbable combination of subject animacy, auxiliary bias, or verb voice morphology. This effect appeared at the lexical verb in the fue conditions and at the auxiliary in the estaba conditions. The late positivity elicited by surface thematic anomalies was the same, regardless of the presence of a plausible non-surface interpretation, and no N400 effects were elicited. These findings do not implicate an independent semantic analyzer, and are compatible with standard language processing architectures. (C) 2011 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
引用
收藏
页码:108 / 126
页数:19
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