Getting to the situation: the N400 can indicate meaning integration beyond word priming

被引:1
|
作者
Wang, Weiqi [1 ,2 ,3 ]
Perfetti, Charles [1 ,2 ,3 ]
Helder, Anne [4 ]
机构
[1] Univ Pittsburgh, Learning Res & Dev Ctr, Pittsburgh, PA 15260 USA
[2] Univ Pittsburgh, Dept Psychol, Pittsburgh, PA USA
[3] Ctr Neural Basis Cognit, Pittsburgh, PA USA
[4] Leiden Univ, Inst Educ & Child Studies, Leiden, Netherlands
关键词
Text comprehension; situation model; semantic association; reading engagement; EVENT KNOWLEDGE ACTIVATION; LANGUAGE COMPREHENSION; TEXT INTEGRATION; MESSAGE-LEVEL; MODEL; CONTEXT; MEMORY; POTENTIALS; P600; CONSTRUCTION;
D O I
10.1080/23273798.2024.2409905
中图分类号
R36 [病理学]; R76 [耳鼻咽喉科学];
学科分类号
100104 ; 100213 ;
摘要
Can integration processes during reading be detected in the N400 time window? Although many results have supported this possibility, recent research controlling for semantic priming concluded that only word-meaning retrieval is detected in the N400 [Delogu, F., Brouwer, H., & Crocker, M. W. (2019). Event-related potentials index lexical retrieval (N400) and integration (P600) during language comprehension. Brain and Cognition, 135, 103569. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bandc.2019.05.007]. We report three experiments designed to detect N400 integration effects by encouraging situation-level comprehension, manipulating integration difficulty through event congruence. Experiments 1 and 2 created narrative texts and questions targeting attention to event structures, showing priming but no additional integration effects. In Experiment 3, readers formed mental images, updating their mental model with each sentence. The results show integration effects during the N400 window and later around 600 ms, indicating both priming and message-level integration effects can emerge in the N400 when readers engage in situational comprehension.
引用
收藏
页码:177 / 194
页数:18
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